{"id":353,"date":"2026-08-02T12:39:43","date_gmt":"2026-08-02T12:39:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/americanhousingtransition.com\/?p=353"},"modified":"2026-08-02T12:39:43","modified_gmt":"2026-08-02T12:39:43","slug":"whos-writing-the-curriculum-climate-activists-are-using-to-influence-judges","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/americanhousingtransition.com\/?p=353","title":{"rendered":"Who\u2019s Writing the Curriculum Climate Activists Are Using to Influence Judges?"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Environmental Law Institute\u2019s Climate Judiciary Project (CJP), an advocacy group formed to push the judiciary to embrace environmental regulation, relies on activist academics who lack expertise in climate science to craft the research materials it uses to sway judges.<\/p>\n

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Many of the ghost writers and researchers behind the judicial curriculum are not credentialed climate scientists. Some have academic specialties, such as psychology, that are completely unrelated to the work.<\/p>\n

An internal CJP email exchange obtained by National Review<\/span> sheds light on how such ghostwriters transform the work of established climate scientists into partisan \u201ceducational\u201d material designed to push judges to adopt the organization\u2019s views on climate change.<\/p>\n

In the exchange, Paul Hanle \u2014 the founder of the Climate Judiciary Project \u2014 connects a freelance writer named Steve Olson with Inez Fung, a professor of atmospheric science at the University of California, Berkeley, to ghostwrite Fung\u2019s \u201cWhat is Causing Climate Change\u201d chapter in the CJP curriculum.<\/p>\n

Hanle describes Olson\u2019s \u201capproach to writing for senior scientists,\u201d which includes providing the scientist with a draft of the CJP curriculum chapter, based on the scientist\u2019s other writings and an interview with Olson. After Olson completes the draft, the scientist can edit, and the module is peer-reviewed.<\/p>\n

While ghostwriting in general is not inherently wrong, CJP is not forthcoming about Olson\u2019s role in contributing to the chapter. On the CJP website, the chapter is attributed only to Fung. The chapter makes no mention of Olson, who is a \u201cpopular science\u201d author and consultant. Olson\u2019s body of work shows a clear bias toward climate alarmism.<\/p>\n

In 2016, Olson published a piece in USA Today<\/em> titled \u201cWill history condemn climate deniers?\u201d In this piece, he says \u201cIf any issue is as morally fraught today as slavery and colonialism were in the 19th century, it is climate change.\u201d<\/p>\n

He also links to different examples of his \u201cconsultant writing,\u201d including his contribution to \u201cClimate Change in Washington State,\u201d a summary paper from a meeting of the Washington State Academy of Sciences. The first line of the preface reads \u201cClimate change is one of the most important issues facing Washington State.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cSteve Olson, who is an accomplished science writer with decades of experience as a consultant writer including for the National Academies of Science, assisted some of CJP\u2019s expert authors with writing for a non-scientific audience,\u201d an ELI spokesperson told National Review<\/span>.<\/p>\n

CJP bills its curriculum as \u201cevidence-based judicial education about climate science and how it arises in the law\u201d and insists that \u201cit does not advise judges on how they should rule on any issue or in any case.\u201d<\/p>\n

Fung\u2019s chapter, \u201cWhat is Causing Climate Change\u201d pins the blame for climate change squarely on the U.S. economy, noting \u201cEvery sector of the economy is responsible for greenhouse gas emissions, and every sector will be involved in reducing these emissions.\u201d<\/p>\n

If adopted by judges, this way of thinking could have significant implications for the future of the American energy industry. Fossil fuel companies are now facing a wave of public-nuisance lawsuits, which seek to hold specific companies liable for climate change writ large, unbound by any geographic constraints. Even if the suits are ultimately unsuccessful, climate activists can impose significant costs on these companies through drawn out, expensive litigation.<\/p>\n

\u201cWith more than two thousand cases filed in the United States courts where climate law, policy, or science play a central role, most judges \u2013 who are generalists \u2013 need tools to understand the scientific and technical evidence before them,\u201d an ELI spokesperson said. \u201cThe science is very clear: climate change is real. CJP\u00a0presents\u00a0this science, but it does not participate in litigation, support or coordinate with any parties related to any litigation, or advise judges on how they should rule on any issue or in any case.\u201d<\/p>\n

And there\u2019s evidence that the group\u2019s efforts are bearing fruit.<\/p>\n

One email from Hanle to a professor who helped with the program, described its impact, noting \u201cOne judge let us know that he had begun as a skeptic about the effects on health but was turned around by your presentation. What a great validation of your presentation . . . and the project!\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThe work you are doing is of vital importance to the future of humanity and the planet, and so we are extremely grateful that you would allow us to share it with this influential audience,\u201d the email continued.<\/p>\n

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Some of CJP\u2019s educational materials focus specifically on how to convince climate change skeptics.<\/p>\n

Hanle, in an email to a CJP Curriculum Advisory Committee member, mentions Ed Maibach, the founding director of George Mason University\u2019s Center for Climate Change Communication. \u201cWhat\u2019s interesting,\u201d Hanle writes, is \u201cthat [Maibach\u2019s] scholarly work on how to communicate with skeptical audiences.\u201d Hanle adds that Maibach lectured on this very topic of one of CJP\u2019s groups of mid-career scientists.<\/p>\n

\u201cI had the pleasure that day of briefing a group of climate scientists about public understanding of climate change. I also taught them some basic principles of how to effectively communicate what they know with public audiences,\u201d Maibach told National Review<\/span>, in reference to Hanle\u2019s email. \u201cI doubt we spent much time talking about skeptical audiences because relatively few Americans are skeptical about climate change.\u201d<\/p>\n

CJP leaders seem to understand that they\u2019re flirting with the line between education and advocacy.<\/p>\n

In one email exchange, Sandra Nichols Thiam, the director of judicial education at ELI, asks curriculum committee members \u201chow could we improve the framing of concepts\u201d and \u201chow can we best push participant\u2019s thinking and understanding while remaining neutral, and without crossing the lines of material appropriate for programs with judges?\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThis should trouble anyone who cares about impartial courts,\u201d Michael Toth, research director at the Civitas Institute at the University of Texas at Austin, said\u00a0in a statement. \u201cELI markets itself as a neutral arbiter, but it has spent years training American judges in progressive climate-liability theories. Judges who sat through that programming have gone on to greenlight the very cases it was built to advance.\u201d<\/p>\n

Fung, Olson, Thiam, and Tait did not respond to a request for comment.<\/p>\n

State Armor, a national security watchdog group, recently released a report detailing the CCP\u2019s influence on U.S. climate policy, specifically linking China to the ELI. The report details ELI\u2019s connections with the Chinese government, specifically that the CCP influences U.S. climate law through its relationship with ELI.<\/p>\n

The CJP programming has established \u201ctroubling connections between this jurisprudential push and interests aligned with or connected to China, including overlapping streams of funding and ties to academia. Consciously or not, this is an instance of ELI pushing for unilateral American disarmament in energy security and industrial production,\u201d the reads. This reality creates broader implications for the U.S. judicial system handling climate cases.<\/p>\n

In practice, the curriculum pushes \u201caggressive private litigation\u201d against energy companies in the U.S., but for China, promotes \u201cregulatory and international frameworks\u201d that are impossible to enforce and are therefore largely ignored by the Chinese. This creates an asymmetry between the U.S. and China\u2019s approach to climate litigation and policy.<\/p>\n

\u201cThrough programs like the China International Business Dialogue on Environmental Governance (CIBDEG), ELI has explicitly provided policy analysis and regulatory \u2018best practices\u2019 to the Chinese government, effectively providing the communist regime with competitive intelligence on how to diminish U.S. energy independence and industrial development, and, at the same time, actively shaping environmental and governance policy in America that would require constraints on domestic energy and industrial production,\u201d the report reads.<\/p>\n

\u201cFor over 50 years, ELI has worked to strengthen environmental protections in over a hundred countries. Our programming in China concluded in 2024 but was no different than our typical work in the United States \u2014\u00a0 sharing evidence-based best practices on environmental regulation, not advancing the interests of the Chinese government or the Chinese Communist Party,\u201d an ELI spokesperson told National Review<\/span>. \u201cELI has never received any funding from the Chinese government, and the Climate Judiciary Project has not conducted any programming in China. Unlike State Armor, ELI voluntarily discloses most major individual and institutional supporters in its annual reports.\u201d<\/p>\n

State Armor is also urging Congress to investigate ELI in light of its relationship with Chinese government groups, citing concerns over the implications of ELI\u2019s relationship with China in the American justice system.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe question is not whether judges should receive continuing education but rather whether any educational initiative funded, organized, or influenced by organizations with relationships with foreign entities, particularly a foreign adversary, could affect the perception or reality of judicial impartiality,\u201d the reads. \u201cPublic confidence in the courts depends on ensuring that judges remain free from improper influence.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Internal emails show the Climate Judiciary Project relies on ghostwriters and presents their work as that of accredited scientists.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":352,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-353","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-energy-environment"],"yoast_head":"\nWho\u2019s Writing the Curriculum Climate Activists Are Using to Influence Judges? - American Housing Transition<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/americanhousingtransition.com\/?p=353\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Who\u2019s Writing the Curriculum Climate Activists Are Using to Influence Judges? 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